It came as little surprise that Republicans on Capitol Hill decided this month that the first bill to pass Congress in the Trump administration would be a bill that would make it easier to deport immigrants accused of minor crimes. .
In the end, after a campaign promising tough immigration enforcement, President-elect Donald J. Trump won the November election, overwhelming the Republicans and taking unified control of Congress.
What was less expected was what happened next. Dozens of Democrats in the House and a small but significant bloc in the Senate joined Republicans in pushing the bill to the brink of passage, culminating in a test vote on Friday that cleared the bill’s final hurdle. . Its progress.
The results highlight deep disagreements among Democrats over how to position themselves on immigration, while Mr. Trump maintains unity on pressing issues that have been his centerpiece. It foreshadowed the immeasurable task ahead. After years of opposing Mr. Trump’s immigration policies at every turn, some Democrats, especially those looking ahead to a potentially tough re-election race, say that at least in every case. They seem to have concluded that “absolutely no” is not a winning strategy. .
This dynamic was on display in the House last week, when 48 Democrats joined Republicans in passing the Laken-Riley Act, which would mandate the detention and possible deportation of undocumented immigrants charged with crimes such as robbery, theft, theft and shoplifting. I supported it. New York Democratic Rep. Richie Torres, whose Bronx district carried Mr. Trump by 22 points, supported the bill after opposing it 10 months ago.
“Even if your ideological background leads you in a different direction, you have to meet people where they are,” Torres, who is exploring a run for governor, said in an interview. Ta. “I worry that by voting against bills like the Laken Riley Act, we risk appearing out of touch with most Americans on issues of immigration and border security.”
Torres said he was well aware that Republicans introduced the bill as part of a strategy to make Democrats’ positions on immigration appear more extreme. But the right response, he argued, was to simply accept their proposals and deprive them of the opportunity to score political points.
“These bills are designed to put us in a position to defend something that seems indefensible to most Americans,” Torres added. “Why should we allow Republicans to continue to inflame issues of immigration and border security and use them as weapons against us?”
A similar scene played out in the Senate, where the bill died last year after Democrats in the chamber refused to take it up, but gained support from 10 Democrats in a trial vote Friday. The bill will pass Congress next week and be signed by Trump immediately. Four of those Democrats will face voters next year, and five will represent states that Trump endorsed in November.
Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pennsylvania, a co-sponsor of the bill, was asked this week why he thought more people in his own party were lining up to support the bill. “It was a dazzling flash of common sense,” he said. “I didn’t necessarily say it was a perfect bill, but I think it’s a good bill and I think it’s a necessary bill.”
(Fetterman did not vote Friday, but has been outspoken about why Democrats should support the bill.)
The actions in both chambers offer a real-time glimpse into how Republicans have successfully used immigration to divide Democrats, forcing them to choose between two virtually unattractive options. was completed. They oppose the bill on principle and risk appearing to voters as opposed to the incarceration and deportation of illegal criminals. Or they could accept the measure, ignoring concerns that it deprives immigrants of due process and could lead to the detention and removal of wrongfully accused people.
A majority of Democrats were adamantly opposed, arguing that they did not have to sacrifice their values to win the messaging war on immigration that Republicans had waged against them.
“We need to get Republicans to dictate terms that will convince voters that we are the better party on immigration,” said Sen. Christopher S. Murphy, a Connecticut Democrat and chief negotiator of the bipartisan immigration deal. I don’t think so,” he said. He was killed last year by Republicans on Trump’s orders.
He said Democrats should instead change their messaging strategy, talk about border security “all the time” and not cede too much airtime to Republicans on the issue.
But other lawmakers, including Democrats in battleground districts and areas that tilted heavily toward Trump in the election, also supported the bill. Among the 10 endorsers in Friday’s Senate test were a handful of senators from states Trump won in November: Sens. Catherine Cortez Masto and Jacky Rosen of Nevada. Congressmen, Sen. Ruben Gallego and Sen. Mark Kelly of Arizona, and Sen. Elissa Slotkin of Michigan. Another group that supported the party is running for reelection next year: Sens. Jon Ossoff of Georgia, Gary Peters of Michigan, Jeanne Shaheen of New Hampshire, and Virginia. Senator Mark Warner.
Some Democrats who supported the bill argued they were better off simply acknowledging the point and voting yes on the bill, rejecting Republican efforts to characterize it as lax on crime and illegal immigration. did.
“We should embrace the idea of securing our borders and deporting criminals,” Rep. Tom Suozzi, a New York Democrat, said on Fox News last week. He added that it would be a “big mistake” for Democrats to oppose such measures.
Mr. Suozzi, who represents Long Island, won a special election last year to replace disgraced former Rep. George Santos, largely because of his advocacy for border security and the need for border security. These two issues likely caused Democrats to lose their majority in 2022. His victory was a model that others in the party tried to emulate in the lead up to November, with mixed success.
Still, many Democrats said they are disappointed and frustrated that their colleagues are willing to compromise their principles in an effort to soften attack ads or score political points with voters.
“Democrats can’t win by abandoning our values and becoming more Republican,” said California Democratic Rep. Ro Khanna. “All we have to do is say, ‘We support secure borders.’ We support deporting people convicted of violent felonies. But we won’t change our values.”
