Reducing and eliminating nuclear risks that could lead to catastrophes is a common interest for all, and a lasting responsibility for all nuclear-armed states. In January 2022, leaders from China, France, Russia, Britain and the US confirmed that “nuclear wars cannot be won and never fight” and strategic risk reduction is one of their biggest responsibilities. I declared that there was. These key principles are fundamental to ensuring predictability, building trust and reducing the risk of nuclear war. They should be constantly strengthened through public awareness efforts that have been reaffirmed and reaffirmed continuously and publicly by both nuclear and nuclear-free armed state leaders.
Over the past three years, the reality and potential of war by nuclear-armed states has created an even more urgent context for the January 2022 statement. “N5” and all other nuclear forces must be done now for them to build on that principle. Without practical steps to reduce nuclear risk, traditional conflicts that precede nuclear catastrophe are far better possibilities, whether they are due to design or flaws.
The Euro-Atlantic region plays a key role in reducing nuclear risk. Four of the N5 nuclear weapons countries recognized by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), including the United States and Russia, are recognized worldwide nuclear weapons in more than 90% of the world. Nuclear stock is here. That said, the Asia-Pacific, South Asia and the Middle East currently contain competing and perhaps conflicting global interests that have expanded nuclear stocks, perhaps characterised by all regions. Therefore, reducing nuclear risk is a global challenge that requires global solutions. Therefore, dialogue on nuclear risk reduction must be global.
Washington and Moscow will make important contributions by making it clear that they will not exceed the current levels of current Russian nuclear weapons before the new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New Start) expires next year. You can do it. Furthermore, the next emergency measure supported by nuclear-armed states in all regions is built on the essential principle that they cannot win and never fight a nuclear war.
1. Prevents an explosive return to nuclear tests and strengthens existing test moratoria.
Some have argued that nuclear explosion testing will resume, despite North Korea’s testing since 1998. The resumption of testing by all countries, especially those signatories of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Van Treaty (CTBT), will almost certainly lead to nuclear tests with other countries and even more unstable nuclear weapons races. New tests with either or more of N5 seriously undermine personal and collective reliability, putting the NPT collapse, where the 1995 expansion was associated with the CTBT conclusion.
Leaders of all nuclear-armed states should reaffirm their commitment to maintaining existing moratoria in explosive nuclear tests. If the US, Russia and China can agree to a transparency measure regarding their activities at their respective test sites, then trust in existing moratoria would be strengthened if the US, Russia and China can agree. Such measures could also lead to coordinated efforts to enforce CTBT.
2. Advance nuclear failsafes in all countries with nuclear weapons.
At the Munich Security Conference in February 2023, the EASLG announced its own nuclear disaster safe review, including steps to enhance protection measures against fraud, carelessness, or accidental use of nuclear weapons in all nuclear weapon states. I asked to lead. False judgment, false warnings of attacks, or other miscalculations. All nuclear-armed States are responsible for preventing accidental or misuse of nuclear weapons. And all nuclear and nuclear-free states have a common interest in preventing such disasters. We live in an age where dialogue and formal weapons management have become increasingly challenging, and the development of cyber threats and artificial intelligence has exacerbated the risk of a nuclear fire. Therefore, a one-sided nuclear fail-safe review is something that should be carried out and strengthened by all nuclear-armed states as an urgent matter. For example, the US recently concluded its own new comprehensive fail-safe review. Such a review does not require negotiation, treaty or verification. The sharing of results or actions belongs entirely to the discretion of the individual state.
One-sidedly, leaders of N5 countries that should act as bilateral, tripartite or group, will create appropriate statements prior to the 2026 NPT Review Conference to cover their commitment to nuclear failsafes You need to.
Leaders of N5 countries need to show leadership and leadership on this topic. You should act unilaterally to act as a bilateral, tripartite or group, but prior to the 2026 NPT Review Conference, create an appropriate statement covering your commitment to nuclear failsafe It must be. Such statements may contain details about failsafe commitments and can highlight principles and best practices, including crisis communication.
3. Affirm and strengthen the basic principles governing the use of the universe.
Today, more countries than ever are contributing and benefiting to the exploration and use of outer space. Over the past five years, more satellites have been launched by governments and commercial companies than in the past 60 years. Currently, over 90 countries have at least one satellite in orbit. Protecting the space environment and the unique positive benefits it gained has now become one of the major challenges of the 21st century. Every country has a role.
Since the early 1960s, the United Nations has been passed, and the state has concluded a series of resolutions and agreements, including principles and obligations regarding the exploration and use of outer space for peaceful purposes. Today, these principles and obligations are at risk by the combination of technological developments, including cyber and artificial intelligence, and the exploitation of space for military operations by increasingly many countries. It could also highlight that the space could become a battlefield. Simulated and actual tests of anti-hygienic weapons have been carried out by several countries, and in some cases create dangerous debris in space. Even the legally binding commitment to not bringing objects carrying nuclear weapons and other types of weapons of mass destruction into orbit appears to be at risk. The use of these weapons will indiscriminately and catastrophically affect all of us, making space unusable.
The leaders of nuclear armed states and leaders of the Space Treaty have the potential to disrupt or develop peaceful uses of space, and therefore space space for peaceful purposes. The historical principles governing the use of the new space should be reviewed and begin dialogue. Such a statement would clearly convey that leaders are aware of their responsibility to cooperate in preventing war in space. The statement can also lay the foundation for practical measures to reduce risk, such as measures to manage the testing and deployment of anti-satellites and other space weapons. It is important that space is regulated and free, not unregulated.
Read the statement and take a full look at the signatories
The European Leadership Network as an institution itself does not hold a formal policy position. The opinions made clear in this group’s statement represent the views of the authors, not the European leadership network or its members. ELN aims to encourage debate that will help develop European capabilities to address the pressing foreign, defence and security policy challenges of our time to promote charitable purposes.
