Bilateral relations between the US and Pakistan have experienced many ups and downs over the past 77 years. But what is certain is the strategic location of Pakistan, which has enabled it to become the US frontline state several times. During the Cold War, as a member of both the Southeast Asian Treaty Organization and the Baghdad Agreement Bloc, it was embedded in a US-led order and benefited from the diplomatic and military support of the latter. Pakistan’s centrality increased during Afghanistan’s Soviet invasion, decreased after the end of the Cold War, and reached its apogee during the American war of terrorism. And while the Trump administration faced a difficult struggle with Imran Khan, the US and Pakistan were closely involved in promoting the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan.
Changed a new world
But both the US and Pakistan have changed since Trump’s last term. Trump has returned on a massive mission, but is aging and takes office in his final term, hindering his legacy considerations. The United States is unprecedentedly polarized across fault lines of ethnicity, race, gender, class and political ideology.
Pakistan’s politics are temporary. But as it is, the hybrid order appears to be a dominant background, with politicians fighting for influence and Rawalpindi’s favor. However, hybrid orders have little general legitimacy. The allegations that the loss of general consent and the result of the 2024 national election, coupled with the ongoing economic crisis and imprisonment of Pakistan’s most popular leader, Imran Khan, have led to the strength of the plot and sect. Strengthen the Tehreek-I-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the Baroque Liberation Army (BLA) are actively colluding.
Biggs’ big suggestions
Given these challenges, the legislative proposal by Arizona Representative Andy Biggs to end its designation as a major non-nat ally in Pakistan could not come at a bad time. Sho. Biggs is a vocal member of the Freedom Caucus, a far-right, financially conservative and spiritually Trumpian ancestor of the Grand Old Party (GOP), known for his opposition to central elements of the party. The Free Caucus position may have seemed to have crossed the windows of Overton, but Trump’s return and his decision to withdraw the US from the World Health Organization (WHO) and Paris climate agreement resulted in immigration. I doubled my hard-line attitude about this, but I’ve confirmed it. For years to come, what’s the new normal might be.
However, it is unlikely that Pakistan and its position as a major non-Nat ally will be highly regarded on Trump’s foreign policy agenda. His executive order on backtracking of US multilateral commitments and amendments to the foundations of American citizenship will revolve around major election boards such as immigration and geo-economic competition with China. It suggests that it is likely. Pakistan’s advantage in American calculus decreases sharply in the absence of conflicts in South Asia, but without conflicts of interest to Americans. Whatever the smallest involvement the Trump administration enjoyed with Imran Khan’s administration, it rarely expanded beyond the promotion of America’s withdrawal from Afghanistan. Trump and his appointees will not like the deployment of American assets in a peripheral conflict over American interests. They also avoid avoiding the dialing of partnerships with the state due to sectarian conflicts in Pakistan and the resumption of terrorist activities by the TTP and BLA.
There were signs
By not meeting or talking with Imran Khan and Shebaz Sharif, the White House effectively downgraded Pakistan’s position during Joe Biden’s presidency. This is also linked to the Democratic support of Israel during the Israeli Gaza War, the 2019 reception by Donald Trump for Imrankan, and the collaboration that Pakistan’s Teherek-E-Insaf (PTI) nurtured with Pakistan’s diaspora. , which is related, but I loved the latter for Trump. Their belief in Trump voiced support and pressured Pakistani facilities to free Khan. It was strengthened by Richard Grenell’s support for him. However, as a special envoy for special operations, it is unlikely that Grenell will have a major impact on Trump’s policies in general against Pakistan or South Asia.
The US’s 6,80,000 strong Pakistani diaspora and PTI supporters have said Trump’s frequent comments on Pakistan and his designation as a “country of particular concerns” and military operations worth $1.3 billion in 2018 I forgot that I suspended my assistance. Nevertheless, Trump is a true populist style and exercises a highly centralized, personal foreign policy, not permitted by customary concerns and the need for deliberative decisions. This means that Trump’s policies against any country regarding that, Pakistan in this case, is primarily determined by personal bias and beliefs and his relationship with his counterparts.
Limited contacts
Nevertheless, the US and Pakistan continue to pursue strategic partnerships directed at defense and intelligence sharing despite declining interests. US Central Commander Michael E. Kurira visited Islamabad in 2022 and 2024 to reaffirm the US-Pakistan security partnership. And General Asim Munir visited the US in 2023 and met US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, the trip came after he had already been in office for a year. Under Biden, the US is trying to refocus its relationship with human safety, launching a “health dialogue” and investing $23.5 million in the electricity sector. The US was one of the earliest responders to Pakistan’s cataclysmic floods in 2022, forming a green alliance and bilateral working group on climate, as well as important humanitarian and convened support from the alliance. In addition to expanding the
Slouching towards China
Trump’s climate skepticism and trading views on world affairs signify an immediate halt of this non-strategic aspect of their partnership. Coupled with the end of humanitarian and economic support, reductions in strategic interests can further deepen the trust deficit between the US and Pakistan. Trump’s simple understanding of international relations is that the attempt to build a Manikin binary between the US and China and Pakistan’s attempt to grow to get closer to China to achieve its objectives doesn’t sit well with the White House .
While ry umpire still appears on the impact of Trump’s return to ties with his partners, his actions in the first week are: American cuts from global order and revitalization of trading foreign policy It supports the fear of In Washington’s eyes, the US’s withdrawal from Afghanistan was not a way of deforming Pakistan from the state’s affairs. Rather, it reduced Pakistan’s status. It is unlikely that Pakistan will capture a prominent grasp of Trump 2.0 US foreign policy and will mostly bring to the US table. Trump becomes obsessed with strengthening his alliance with Gulf monarchs and with Indo-Pacific leaders to counter China.
Unless the Pakistan situation poses a threat to American interests, US and Pakistan’s intelligence sharing and counter-terrorism efforts will be relegated to the backburners. In this situation, Pakistan will go even further behind China, infuriating the Trump administration and setting the power of harmful movements on their bilateral relations.
(Perthses is a researcher at the Indian Foundation. He studies South Asia, the Middle East and North Africa.)
Disclaimer: These are the author’s personal opinions and do not represent any individuals from his organization or NDTV
