WASHINGTON: Ivan Khanapathy, a former national security official with deep expertise on Taiwan who believes the United States should invest in strengthening deterrence, will serve as China’s side on President Donald Trump’s National Security Council. There is a high possibility that the company will take the top spot, said multiple people familiar with the move.
During President Trump’s first term, Mr. Khanapathy served as the NSC’s director for China, Taiwan, and Mongolia and deputy senior director for Asia. From 2014 to 2017, he worked at the American Institute in Taiwan, advising on military and security issues in Taipei.
Khanapathy is a former Marine Corps fellow who served in the Western Pacific and West Asia, speaks Mandarin, graduated from East Asian Security Studies, and helped develop the service’s global security strategy. , is highly regarded in the DC strategy community. He currently serves as Senior Vice President of Beacon Global Strategies, a strategic advisory firm.
If Mr. Khannapathy’s appointment is confirmed, the core of President Trump’s NSC remains deeply concerned about China’s intentions, wary of its capabilities, aware of what it sees as increasing coercive behavior, and committed to competitive It will become a stronghold for China skeptics who are committed to a positive approach. The team has invested extensively in an Indo-Pacific strategy that includes deepening relationships with allies and partners, a strategy that Trump embraced in his first term and that Joe Biden has maintained.
President Trump appointed Congressman Michael Walz as National Security Adviser and Alex Wong as NSA Chief of Staff, both of whom have strongly critical views of China.
HT announced on Saturday that David Faith, who played a role in developing the Indo-Pacific strategy at the State Department during President Trump’s first term and has been vocal about the relationship between technology and national security regarding China, will be appointed senior director for technology and national security. Then it was reported. safety. Ricky Gill will be South Asia’s top hand. Mr. Khanapathy is likely to be Mr. Faith’s and Mr. Gill’s counterpart on the China-related file.
Although he is only one voice in President Trump’s China policy, while important, Kanapathy’s recent views provide insight into the likely direction of policy. These suggest a mix of continuity from President Trump’s first term and President Biden’s approach, but with a more aggressive push toward China and a stronger approach to Taiwan, including a change in policy framework. This is accompanied by increasing expectations for support and burden-sharing from allies.
Trump 2.0 China Policy – Competition without a sense of security
In an interview with China scholar Bonnie Lin on the CSIS podcast in November after Trump’s victory, Kanapathy addressed the potential differences in Trump and Biden’s goals. “I’m not sure the objectives are that different. Our national strategy is to create security and prosperity for the American people. Many of the things the Trump administration would pursue more aggressively would be But the goal is to level the playing field on trade, with the goal of bringing back American manufacturing and expanding American exports. And the Biden administration has made that clear.”
Asked whether the Indo-Pacific strategic framework of Trump 1.0 is still in place, Khanapathy pointed to Shinzo Abe’s “free and open” Indo-Pacific vision and the lack of emphasis on relations with China and the lack of emphasis on allies and partners. He praised Hillary Clinton’s emphasis on Asia. A precursor to President Trump’s approach.
“The Trump administration took it even further and redefined it as a competitive relationship…I think there’s a lot of continuity. There’s a general emphasis on burden sharing, but this is driven by strong alliances. We can only … pressure our closest friends to do more and invest more in our collective safety.”
Regarding China’s increasing assertiveness, he said: “I would agree that China has become more coercive and aggressive…but I don’t think China has become more powerful.” As a percentage of global GDP, the US has continued to rise since the Trump administration, while China’s has fallen. He said dialogue with China on issues ranging from climate change to AI was sending “confusing signals” to the American people and government agencies, adding that the United States needed stronger leadership. “China is the biggest challenger and threat.”
Kanapathy suggested that the Trump campaign intends to pursue “competition and deterrence” without providing guarantees to China, which many Republicans see as appeasement or appeasement. He drew parallels with the Republican view that reassurances about President Vladimir Putin and Iran have emboldened Moscow and Tehran.
He also pushed back against the perception that Trump was against allies, saying, “What he was looking for was not free riding. Free riding is also not a sign of a strong alliance. Strong coordination. It’s about everyone working together and doing their part,” Khanapathy said, pointing to President Trump’s elevation of the Quad and arguing that AUKUS was started during the Trump administration, like the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework. He expressed skepticism about the deal.
Taiwan reset
Regarding Taiwan, Kanapathy argued in an August 2024 Brookings Institution op-ed that “to maintain peace, Washington must invest more in strong deterrence.” It should also reconsider the stance of its message regarding its “disapproval” of Taiwanese independence and the way it refers to a series of related U.S. policies. ”
He recommended that the US president make clear to Congress that China is a “threat to global stability” and that Taiwan is a “vital interest of the United States.”
Khanapathy suggested abandoning any explicit statement that he does not support Taiwanese independence. “U.S. officials should not unnecessarily make their disapproval of Taiwanese independence clear. Instead, officials could use neutral language expressing opposition to unilateral changes to the status quo,” the Chinese government said. He argued that it is “misguided and wasteful” to emphasize disapproval of Taiwan’s independence as a reassurance to China, as the United States does not distinguish between support for Taiwan’s democracy and support for independence. He said such messages sent inaccurate signals to third countries and deflected from “the real threat to cross-Strait peace: Chinese aggression.”
Instead, Khanapathy advocated calling the “one China policy” the cross-Strait policy. “This proposed U.S. name change could make it easier to push back against China’s false attribution, help untangle Chinese rhetoric that isolates Taiwan from the international community, and once again increase deterrence.”
