Stony Brook University political scientist Stanley Feldman wrote in an email:
A significant percentage of Trump (MAGA) supporters believe that changing demographics and changing gender norms are a threat to their way of life and their place in American society. Most importantly, Republicans (and influencers) have succeeded in convincing many people that Democrats and liberals are directly responsible for creating and supporting the social forces they fear. That’s true.
Some Democrats wrote that Feldman:
They’re talking about toning down their rhetoric on hot-button social issues like transgender rights and taking a tougher stance on immigration. It is true that it would be in the Democratic Party’s interest for these types of issues to be less politically salient. However, I’m not sure how easy this will be.
How far can the Democratic Party move away from being a socially inclusive party without alienating some of its supporters? And how far will Democrats soften their positions and rhetoric on social issues to prevent Republicans from continuing to paint Democrats as outlandish urban liberals who care more about LGBTQ rights than the plight of white workers? Does it have to be? Think about how many anti-trans ads the Trump campaign ran against Kamala Harris. It doesn’t take long to exploit people’s fears and create easy targets.
Along similar lines, Mohammad Attari, a professor in the Department of Psychological and Brain Sciences at the University of Massachusetts Amherst and director of the school’s Office of Culture and Ethics, said in an email:
The combination of the elite perception of many Democratic leaders and their lack of emotional resonance can make their policy proposals feel hollow or even disingenuous to working-class voters. There is. This disconnect stems from both cultural and emotional dynamics that influence how policies are received, regardless of their actual benefits.
This perception of “elitism” relates not only to education but also to lifestyle and values, and may seem divorced from the struggles of working-class people. If proposals are conveyed in a tone that reflects elite sensibilities, there is a risk that they will be dismissed as “not for us.”
Washington Post columnist and CNN analyst Fareed Zakaria wrote on January 4:
The left side is in ruins. Only a handful of the 27 European Union countries have coalition governments led by centre-left parties. The main centre-left party in the European Parliament currently holds just 136 of the 720 seats.
Even in countries that have been able to stem the rise of right-wing populism, such as Poland, it is the centre-right, not the left, that is thriving. And of course in the US, the breadth of Donald Trump’s victory (nearly 90 percent of US counties flipped to the right) suggests that it is just part of this trend.
In Zakaria’s view, the left’s problems are caused by the left’s failures.
Therefore, the crisis of democratic government is actually also the crisis of progressive government. People seem to feel that they have been taxed, regulated, coerced and threatened by centre-left politicians for decades, and the results are bad and getting worse.
Zakaria warns:
Unless Democrats learn hard lessons from the poor governance of many blue cities and states, they will be seen as champions of cultural elites, woke ideology, and bloated and inefficient government. It may be a formula for establishing permanent minority status.
Reflecting the scope of the controversy over these issues, Charles Kapchan, Georgetown University professor of international affairs and senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, declared in an email: This is a watershed moment that marks the end of the progressive cause. ”
Rather, Kupchan argued, “Trump’s victory reflects a wave of anti-incumbency, not a decisive shift to the right.”
Kupchan noted that voters in many democracies “are experiencing the same socio-economic disruptions as Americans, disruptions created by digital technology and globalization.” They too are voting for change. ”
Kupchan pointed out that internationally, anti-incumbent movements have led to defeats for both the left and the right.
When right-wing parties came to power, the left gained the upper hand. Right-wing governments in the United Kingdom, Poland, and Brazil have recently been replaced by centre-left governments.
While left-wing parties are struggling in many countries, things are far from smooth sailing for right-wing parties as well.
“Liberalism and the left in general are going through a difficult time in established democracies, not only in the United States but also in many parts of Europe,” said Ivo Dalder, chief executive of the Chicago Council on International Affairs. There is no doubt about that.” ”
