As of 2024, the Gulf region has undergone subtle but important changes in the landscape of political participation. Where once the form of election for parliamentary representatives was a major feature in most states, the region is now evenly divided. Three Gulf states – Bahrain, Oman and the United Arab Emirates – continue to hold some form of national elections, but Qatar, Saudi Arabia and, at least temporarily, Kuwait do not. This evolving reality highlights the need to reconsider the current state of political participation in the Gulf.
Overview of the parliaments of the Gulf countries
United Arab Emirates (UAE)
The UAE’s 40-member Federal National Council (FNC) acts as a unicameral advisory body. Councils are typically renewed every four years, with the most recent renewal in 2023. The number of seats allocated to each emirate is proportional to its population, and Emirati women must represent half of the council. Furthermore, the council is equally distributed between members appointed by the respective emirate rulers and members elected through the electoral college. The electoral college of each emirate is composed of at least 300 times the number of seats allocated and is chosen by the ruler.
The council is equally distributed between members appointed by the rulers of the respective emirates and those elected through the electoral college.
The FNC plays an advisory role in the legislative process. Although it cannot veto or pass laws, it can review federal bills for approval, amendment, or veto. Additionally, ministers can be questioned, but not impeached. It can also make recommendations to the cabinet and discuss any topic, subject to the cabinet’s tacit approval that it does not conflict with the UAE’s high interests. However, if such a recommendation is rejected by the Cabinet, the Cabinet must inform the FNC of the reasons behind the decision. A study of the FNC’s 2011-2015 term found that its members were able to prudently “also question ministers and establish ad hoc committees (on various reform topics) to submit legislative proposals and funding recommendations.” Additionally, another study of the FNC’s later term found that increased parliamentary questioning by FNC members gave it more power, and the government became increasingly dependent on policy recommendations drafted by its members.
Kingdom of Bahrain
Bahrain’s bicameral parliament consists of an upper house called the Shura Council, which is made up of 40 members appointed by the king, and a lower house council, which is made up of 40 members who are also elected by voters. Bahrain set up this dual structure to ensure “the optimal functioning of parliamentary activities through the principle of mutual monitoring between the two chambers.” The term of office for both houses is four years, which may be extended by two years by royal decree.
Parliament’s powers are limited. In particular, while it is not possible to withdraw confidence from the prime minister, confidence in individual ministers can be withdrawn with a two-thirds majority. If the elected majority proves unable to cooperate with the Prime Minister, the matter will be escalated to the King. However, members of the House of Representatives (elected) can consider bills passed by the Cabinet and amend, approve, or reject them before sending them to the Senate (appointed). Additionally, any member can propose a bill, which is then referred to an expert committee for evaluation. Parliamentary oversight mechanisms include establishing commissions of inquiry to scrutinize government actions, submitting formal questions to ministries, and recommending policy actions against government actions.
Sultanate of Oman
In Oman, the parliament has approximately 180 members, split almost evenly between an appointed upper chamber (Council of State) and an elected lower chamber (Shura Council). Although both houses share similar legislative powers, the Shura Council has exclusive rights to question ministers and review ministry reports. Nevertheless, all laws must be approved by the sultan, and even those proposed by parliament must first be approved by the ministers. Additionally, all members are appointed for four-year terms, and the Council of State is typically chosen from elite categories such as former ministers, diplomats, judges, military personnel, academics, and business leaders, as well as at the discretion of the Sultan.
qatar country
Qatar’s 2004 constitution mandated the transformation of the Shura Council into a partially elected unicameral parliamentary body. However, the elections were not held until October 2021. Academic research on the 2021 election found that voters’ decisions were influenced by attributes related to tribe and family. Until 2024, 30 members were elected and 15 were appointed, but the structure of the council changed after a referendum was approved to make the 45-member council fully appointed.
The council is responsible for “proposing new laws, reviewing and approving draft laws and ordinances, and approving the state’s general budget.” Board members may ask questions of the Prime Minister or Ministers for clarification on matters within their area of responsibility. They can also submit questions to the Minister on matters within their jurisdiction, but this process requires the approval of one-third of the board members.
kingdom of saudi arabia
In Saudi Arabia, the Shura Council functions as a unicameral parliamentary body. The council consists of a chairman and 150 members selected by the king “from among those with knowledge, expertise, and specialization.” The council can propose new laws or propose amendments to existing laws for consideration within the council, which can then be submitted to the king. The Shura Council therefore fits into two stages within the legislative process: at the beginning of the proposal stage, or at the consideration stage before a final decision.
kuwait state
Finally, until its dissolution in 2024, Kuwait had a fully elected unicameral parliament known as the Kuwait National Assembly. Parliament consisted of 50 Members of Parliament (MPs) who were directly elected by universal suffrage and secret ballot. Alongside the elected members of parliament, ministers appointed by the chieftain also attended the parliament as ex-officio members. These ministers had the right to vote on all matters except resolutions of confidence. Members of Parliament have the power to question ministers and the Prime Minister on matters within their purview, which could lead to a motion of no confidence. Additionally, the constitution authorized parliament to initiate non-cooperation motions specifically targeting the prime minister. These mechanisms helped perpetuate the gridlock between the legislature and the executive, ultimately leading to the dissolution of parliament.
The dissolution of parliament may have been caused by popular support. This insight comes from Arab Barometer data of 1,210 face-to-face interviews conducted between February 14 and March 18, 2024, just months before the dissolution of parliament in May 2024. Many Kuwaitis view the parliament as an obstacle to effective governance, with 66% believing the parliament has slowed down the government and 60% agreeing that the government could have accomplished more without the parliament’s constraints. Only 39% of people thought MPs were qualified, compared to 50% of government ministers, indicating widespread dissatisfaction with parliament’s performance.
Rethinking participation in the Gulf through electronic platforms
As evidenced recently in Qatar and Kuwait, signs of declining electoral systems may be accommodating young people across the GCC who prefer other means of political participation. Countries outside the definition of “liberal democracy” are increasingly using technology for political and administrative purposes. This includes e-government systems and e-participation efforts. Participation in politics is a feature of liberal democracy, but it is not limited to that form. Many other countries encourage political participation for purposes of deliberation and legitimation, and technology can help. For Gulf states, young populations may mean that digital tools are seen as more conducive to deliberative practices than traditional institutions, and this could be the way forward for the region.
Qatar and Saudi Arabia serve as examples for this purpose. Even though there is no national election, electronic participation has been promoted. For example, Saudi Arabia was ranked first among Gulf countries and seventh in the world in the 2024 United Nations e-participation ranking. Its Taffol Platform has conducted 2,187 consultations with the public across themes spanning education, health, environment, justice, labor/human resources, social protection or social development. Since January 2025, it has listed 72.8 million users and 133.3 million visitors. Meanwhile, Qatar’s Sharek platform has a forum where users can answer questions such as “Should there be more or less standardized testing in education?” It also conducts public opinion polls and policy consultations.
conclusion
Electoral mechanisms persist or evolve in some states, such as the UAE, Bahrain, and Oman. While it has been suspended or withdrawn from countries such as Kuwait and Qatar, it has not been adopted by Saudi Arabia. With an overview of the current state of Gulf parliaments, it is also important to look at the introduction of digital platforms for consultations, indicating that Gulf governments may be reconsidering participation beyond the ballot box. Such tools require further research and consideration of the role of technology in the future of political participation in the Gulf.
This commentary was originally published on ORF Middle East.
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